First published on BioSpace
As the House Oversight and Accountability last week marked up the BIOSECURE Act that targets China-based biotech companies such as WuXi AppTec and now WuXi Biologics, I couldn’t help but feel a sense of déjà vu from watching Game of Thrones. With a key player switching sides and providing an unexpected assist at a critical moment, the saga of U.S.-China relations in the biopharma world is beginning to look like an episode based on the tumultuous fictional continents of Westeros and Essos.
In March 2024, WuXi AppTec separated from BIO after the industry trade association changed its position to support the proposed BIOSECURE Act. Recently, BIO surveyed its members to propose eight years as a “reasonable timeframe for companies to decouple from China-based biomanufacturing.” This timeframe was adopted in last week’s markup, setting a deadline of 2032 for U.S. biopharma companies to sever ties with Chinese contract development and manufacturing organizations (CDMOs) named in the act. This provides a much-needed reprieve for the Chinese companies named in this act and their U.S. customers should this act be signed into law.
A floor vote is expected in the next 30 days, and countermoves are already afoot. For example, two WuXi Biologics executives—manufacturing senior vice president William Aitchison and director of public relations Elizabeth Steele—have registered to lobby in Congress. They are not alone, with almost 20 biopharma and life sciences companies registered to lobby on this proposed bill, according to federal records.
Professional habits die hard, and as the lead consultant of a boutique PR agency who previously led international communications for a leading Chinese biotech company, I understand that these companies are seeking to strike a balance. If they draw too much attention, they risk being portrayed in an emotional and unpatriotic manner, but if they don’t speak up at all, the bill in its current form will impact their businesses in undesirable ways. With the BIOSECURE Act likely to be passed into law later this year, how can China-based CDMOs and the U.S. biopharma industry speak up to ensure the legislation doesn’t cripple their businesses while avoiding potentially costly mistakes?
Nearly 80 percent of U.S. biopharma companies have at least one contract or product with a China-based CDMO/CMO, according to BIO’s survey, which included 124 firms. The survey also revealed that these firms estimate it will take up to eight years to switch manufacturing partners to avoid potentially affecting patients—hence the eight-year decoupling grace period that these companies advocated for and won (for now). But what more can PR professionals do to sharpen their key messages to policymakers and other target audiences?
If we take a step back, the U.S. biopharma industry has played its PR cards in a low-key and astute manner to influence this proposed bill through an industry association. Given the tight window to influence the House, I imagine the industry is actively engaging BIO and other associations in the next month to seek additional federal funding required for decoupling. It might be helpful to draw a comparison with the CHIPS Act, which requires that U.S. companies pivot to domestic semiconductor manufacturing and provides $200 billion in funding over the next 10 years to support those companies currently relying on foreign partners.
As for WuXi AppTec and Wuxi Biologics, while this grace period represents a reprieve, they are intensifying communications efforts to reiterate that they do not pose a security risk to the United States or any other country while delivering innovative medicines that meet the highest regulatory and quality standards. By registering two additional members of its U.S. team to lobby in Congress, WuXi is continuing a full-court press to get its message out. WuXi AppTec has also added a prominent “U.S. Policy Brief” banner on its website, with easy access to its voluntary statements, investor announcements and a Q1 earnings presentation that included its commitment to data privacy, quality and compliance standards in response to accusations in this bill.
Meanwhile, China-based CDMOs not named in this act are also at risk of losing business. A BioCentury survey published in March indicated that 66% of U.S. respondents are unlikely to sign a new contract with a China-based CDMO. Given the potential sensitivity of this bill, these CDMOs are likely to adopt a low-key approach like the U.S. biopharma industry—not making themselves visible by lobbying in Congress, while forming internal cross-functional teams to manage ongoing communications with existing clients. These materials can include third-party audits, certifications and data points related to the companies’ key business areas. This proactive outreach, backed by specific examples, should help to assuage their U.S. biopharma clients’ potential concerns.
In addition, China-based CDMOs must prioritize international communications, further reassuring existing clients while also broadcasting more widely that these companies are committed to the global market during the long and potentially unpredictable legislative process. I advise focusing on industry publications and LinkedIn, where audiences are more likely to be professional and less emotional than on X, but however they do it, now is the time to break the communications radio silence that less-established CDMOs tend to adopt by default.
As a floor vote is expected soon, PR professionals should focus on strategic, well-calculated moves that could potentially influence outcomes without drawing too much attention or taking undue risk. A series of small yet thoughtful actions could better position the U.S. biopharma industry and China-based CDMOs on separate paths to sustainable growth while enhancing health outcomes. As Lord Varys from the Game of Thrones noted: “A small man can cast a large shadow.”
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近期，多家美国媒体都在进行大刀阔斧地裁员，比如美国《时代》周刊裁减了约15%具有工会会员身份的员工；《洛杉矶时报》也因为财务收缩，开启了报纸创办142年以来最大规模的一次裁员。 根据Pew Research的调查数据，从2008年到2020年，美国媒体行业的就业人数下降了26%；2023年，美国新闻业的裁员人数接近2700人，是2020年以来裁员人数最多的一年。
至于背后原因，一方面是人们获取信息的渠道改变了，通过报纸、有线电视来看新闻、欣赏娱乐节目的年代已经过去，传统纸媒和电视媒体的地位如今也大大降低。另一方面，美国媒体的主要盈利来源是广告，需要用广告收入去支撑版权费用、内容制作等等成本。但是现在美国的经济形势并不好，所以就导致媒体的广告收入减少，无奈只能节衣缩食，选择转型或裁员。
媒体和公关密不可分。如今，中国企业不论规模大小，纷纷开始布局和深入贯彻“走出去”战略，希望在海外市场找到“第二增长曲线”，并催生出在海外市场进行声誉管理的需求。然而，在美国媒体行业持续动荡的背景下，中国企业应该如何跟媒体建立有效沟通机制？以及采取怎样的公关传播方式？这些都是需要重新思考的问题。
面对美中地缘政治紧张局势的潜在不确定性，中国品牌需要采取更具战略性和系统化的方法，以维护并扩大其在美国及其他国际市场的影响力。因为，这种地缘政治的紧张关系可能导致中国品牌遭遇记者、媒体机构和消费者越来越多的质疑。在此背景下，中国企业通过采取更具战略思维的媒体关系建设方式，客观地呈现品牌的故事、成就和立场，能够更有效率地在美国及其他国际市场建立信任。
另外，中国企业在美国等海外市场的营销费用越来越高，并且将持续上升。根据CNBC的报道，2023年，美国的数字广告支出达到了2010亿美元，几乎是2018年1080亿美元的两倍。在广告营销成本直线上升的趋势下，企业通过灵活的公关策略来跟当地权威媒体建立联系，从而形成口碑效应，对于品牌在海外市场的可持续发展会更有帮助。因为，在美国海外市场，公关和营销不同，一篇正面的新闻专题报道的影响力，会远远超过广告营销投入产出的价值。
只是，在美国媒体行业大幅收缩的背景下，那些需要通过媒体扩大声誉和影响力的企业和品牌，应该如何布局？根据媒体软件和服务公司Cision发布的2023年全球媒体调查报告, 当前媒体行业对于品牌内容报道有以下的新趋势：
大部分出海企业的公关需求都可以归为两类：产品公关和企业声誉公关，其中产品公关（product PR）是通过媒体报道让大众关注到产品本身，至于企业声誉公关，涉及的范围就更加广泛。但通常来说，企业在海外市场制定公关策略，都应该先回答三个基本问题：1.“我们是谁（或为什么媒体应该信任我们）”、2.“为什么媒体应该写我们而非竞争对手”、3.“我们如何展现我们的核心差异”。
结合Cision的调查报告来看，当前的海外媒体更偏爱原创研究、市场趋势分析和专家意见。那么，我们在制定公关策略的时候，也可以结合这些要素。比如，我们可以向媒体传达这些关键信息：“XX品牌赢得了超过10个全球创新奖项”、“XX公司的全球消费者研究报揭示[产品类别]的三大需求”等等。通过向媒体传达这些信息，能够有效地让媒体感知到，产品和企业对消费者体验的影响。
另外，在海外市场随时都有可能出台新的限制、关税和政策，所以企业不能够单单依靠公关策略来谋求发展，还要从公司层面，持续优化相应的运营机制。比如说，可以建立跨部门的法律和信息安全小组，来审查企业策略风险以ESG政策，并且要积极获取相应的第三方认证。更重要的事情，对于海外市场监管者以及媒体来说，企业所作出的努力，证明了企业对本地社区潜在关切的承诺和积极贡献的愿景。
虽然说，媒体资源和对外沟通是声誉管理不可或缺的一部分，但内部沟通协作也需要重点加强。在出海初期，企业内部的公关团队与其他部门展开积极合作，共同制定舆论风险管理计划，并且详细规划应对预案，比如备用企业核心业务第三方认证，在危机时刻可能赢得更多信任。
长风万里，大业千秋。尤其是在美国媒体行业持续经历变化和挑战的今天，中国出海企业进行声誉管理工作，比以往任何时候都更加重要。通过合理利用行业数据和媒体资源、积极响应外部政策变化，并全面地展示品牌价值和差异化优势，企业可以在国际市场上建立起一个强大的品牌形象。在这个过程当中，公关不仅是一个手段，更是连接企业与全球消费者的桥梁，能够帮助企业在不断变化的环境中稳健前行。
作者简介：
陈俊勋是 Momentum AI Communications的创始人及国际行业媒体BioSpace的专栏作家。他是华大基因的前国际传播负责人及美通社前亚太区内容总监。
杨方曦是小波咨询的创始人。在美国长期从事国际公共传播和出海企业的海外PR公关和咨询服务。 她毕业于纽约大学和哥伦比亚大学商学院。官网：www.waveletnyc.com
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